The political history can be defined the history of total war across the globe that position itself the friends and enemy distinction and this characteristic always reproduced by the political thinkers that have problematic approaches to politics with their pessimistic sense. Therefore, in particular, in the contemporary world the pessimistic spirit walks around us both implicitly and explicitly as such an inheritance of these pessimistic political thinkers. However, without a shadow of doubt, today the necessary thing is not pessimistic spirit, on the contrary the revolutionary spirit that can provide salvation and emancipation from that pessimism that causes to forget our capacity in order to reach the true meaning of revolution and democracy.
Thus, does true revolutionary spirit hide itself behind the possibility of ‘online revolution’. At this juncture, new technologies have crucial contributions in order to discover this true revolutionary spirit in terms of ensuring democratic practices and productivity directly. Therefore, with reference to motto of ‘revolution will be twitted’, social movements as third wave that return to politics of social issues by differentiated agent such as educated unemployment people, students and so on rather than practiced by only working class as old social movements implemented that within the scope of economic struggle, class and distribution. Above all, the significant role of the social media by comparison to the role of traditional media in old social movements, is the most influential characteristic of these movements especially in the sense of organizing and regulating people collectively. In relation to that, the traditional binaries between the interpersonal communication and mediated communication become blurred in new social movements by networked technologies and the usage of new media. Since, the new media started to set institutional structure themselves through creating online interaction, so the political, social movements are articulated themselves in structural way as online way and also in terms of action.
In terms of the relationship between activists and political movements, their action becomes to have different objection rather than past movements. In general, primarily there was the rise of Zapatista resistance with demand of global justice, likewise new politics aimed at benefiting from global justice with its self-organizing character and various political identities. Their protests manifests itself through the help of internet rather than traditional media and it is possible to say that these first anti-globalized movements can be defined as the framework of first democratic experience that conducted by alternative media practices. As most importantly, internet as new technology not only used for the distribution, but also used for participating directly in order to protest through creating solidarity. Also internet ensures to organize activists in online way by mobilizing and organizing them by showing to them how to move and protest with its transnational and national dimension in general. Therefore, the relationship between new media and activism, in other words social media and contemporary protests provide umbrella for different social groups by emphasizing their social and political participations. In brief, it constitutes itself through participation, plurality and freedom as such an instructive to discover true revolutionary spirit.
Eros effect also on Gezi Resistance
If Gezi Resistance is evaluated under main approaches to the interaction between the new media and activism, it can classified in terms of the conceptualization of Gerbaudo ‘choreography of assembly’ due to emphasize on the performance and in particular the construction of public space through collective spirit. Also, in the sense of one of the parameters that emphasized by this approach, absence of leadership is important. Throughout the Gezi Resistance, there was no rise of the sense of leadership not only as individual hero but also the domination of one group that converts the movement to kind of despotism. Yet, it is impossible to ignore the emancipatory potential and contribution of new media and social media that manifests itself through twitter and facebook on this resistance, it is necessary to scrutinize the impacts and interaction of traditional media. Since the emancipatory potential of new media generates itself by the repressive role of traditional media, it means that the dialectical relationship between them creates possibility of emancipation actually. At this point, along Gezi Resistance, while the liberated potential of social media, traditional media manifests itself as an obstacle with its repressive role against its potential to discovery true revolutionary spirit. In regarding to context of Gezi Resistance, traditional media oppression manifests itself as a kind of political oppression, because the role of mainstream media is a kind of monopoly of state oppression or one of the ideological state apparatus as Althusser conceptualized that in Turkey. Once again, based on the dialectical relationship, this oppression gives chance to the usage of social media as public sphere for mobilization collectively for the resistance as performance. Consequently, it is possible to say that likewise ‘Eros effect’ on European social, political movements in contemporary times, in Turkey this ‘Eros effect’ shows itself through social media with its survival, emancipatory, especially true revolutionary spirits characteristic by providing collectively organization and participation. In particular, quite the contrary of Thanatos effect which is conceptualized in Freudian sense as the death instinct that represented by the traditional media in Turkey. In short, revolutionary spirit starts to discover its lost treasure thanks to interaction between the resistance and new media, even as still-continuing discovery.